Press Release/Commentary by ESPAC posted on June 01, 2004 at 15:07:53: EST (-5 GMT)

THE DARFUR CRISIS: HUMAN RIGHTS AND HYPOCRISY

The European-Sudanese Public Affairs Council
Date of Publication: 27 May 2004

Introduction

Since February 2003, there has been a growing armed conflict between two
armed groups and the Government of Sudan in Darfur. These groups
launched their first attacks on government garrisons in the region.
These armed groups call themselves the 'Sudan Liberation Army' (SLA) and
the 'Justice and Equality Movement' (JEM). (1) Darfur is home to some 80
tribes and ethnic groups divided between nomads and sedentary
communities. The unrest appears to have been identified within two or
three communities such as the Fur and the Zaghawa tribes. The conflict
in Darfur presents a very complex situation with very complex problems.
(2) There can be no simple analysis of the issue. The April 2004
ceasefire agreement provides observers of the conflict with the chance
to reflect on events in Darfur and how they have been portrayed
internationally.

All war, and particularly civil war, leads to human rights violations.
The conflict in Darfur has been no exception. And as is so often the
case in war, the conflict has inevitably been caught up in the
propaganda and misinformation that comes with it and that has certainly
characterised previous coverage of Sudan. The Sudanese government, for
example, has claimed that: "Those with their own agendas are trying to
give a very sad view of what is happening. The propaganda in the west is
trying to exaggerate what is taking place in Darfur." (3)

The human rights industry certainly appears to have opted for partisan
or lazy analysis of events in Darfur, seemingly unable to resist
projecting the image of government-supported "Arab" - "Janjaweed" -
militias attacking "African", Fur or Zaghawa, villagers (and in doing so
often merely echoing questionable rebel claims). This has been done
despite the scarcity of reliable information. United Nations media
sources, for example, have noted "a lack of accurate information on the
conflict" (4) and Reuters has also stated that "it is hard to
independently verify claims by government or rebels in Darfur." (5)
Human rights reports have consistently reported - and attributed - human
rights abuses within Darfur in circumstances in which independent
confirmation of such assertions is impossible. The New York Times, while
echoing many of these allegations of human rights abuses, was candid
enough to admit that "it is impossible to travel in Darfur to verify
these claims". (6) Claims of Khartoum's control over the "Janjaweed"
persist despite increasing evidence that they are out of control. (7)

Contradictions in claims by human rights organisations about events in
Darfur have also led to question marks about some of the serious
allegations that have been made. While Human Rights Watch, for example,
eagerly chose to label the conflict as "ethnic cleansing" (8), Amnesty
International researchers have said that observers should be "cautious"
about describing clashes as ethnic cleansing. (9) Such labels have also
been challenged by senior aid workers on the ground within Darfur. (10)
Nonetheless, the claims of "ethnic cleansing" have echoed around the
world.

Questionable Sources, Questionable Reports

There is little doubt that groups such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty
International have once again relied upon questionable sources with
regard to Darfur. It has also been clear that in some cases their
analysts are partisan and their previous methodology with regard to
Sudan has been flawed. Human Rights Watch's counsel and Sudan
researcher, Jemera Rone, has, for example, previously eulogised a rebel
commander as "thoughtful...curious and intellectual" and with a "respect
for the rights of all". This was in the face of his direct
responsibility for massive human rights violations including the murder,
rape or torture of hundreds if not thousands of civilians, many of whom
were women and children. The rebel eulogised by Ms Rone was also
directly responsible for the abduction of thousands of under-age
children for use as child soldiers and their transporting to Ethiopia.
Nearly three thousand of these children subsequently died from
malnutrition or disease: many more died as child soldiers. Ms Rone's
eulogy was an astonishing statement for someone supposedly concerned
with human rights to have made and provides a clear insight into the
sort of anti-government bias that has coloured key "human rights"
reports on Sudan. (11) Human Rights Watch's claims about Darfur must be
seen in this light.

Similarly, previous Amnesty International reports on Sudan have been
flawed by deeply questionable methodology. Key reports have been largely
reliant on newspaper reporting - often utilising second and third hand
newspaper accounts by partisan journalists. In these reports Amnesty
International's lack of professionalism was also manifested by it
turning a blind eye to independent, reputable, first-hand accounts of
rebel use of child soldiers and the daily bombardment of towns. It chose
instead to publish claims made by rebel commanders. (12)

As so often has been the case in their reporting of Sudan, the
reliability of the assertions of groups like Human Rights Watch and
Amnesty International should not be taken at face value.

The Hypocrisy of the Human Rights Industry on Darfur

In addition to often overt bias on the part of human rights groups,
there has also been considerable hypocrisy with regard to Darfur. While
claiming that the Arab "Janjaweed" raiders are sponsored by the
government, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International ignore the fact
that the government has regularly taken very firm action against "Arab"
tribesmen who have attacked "African" communities. In April 2003, for
example, Sudanese courts sentenced 24 Arab armed bandits to death for
their involvement in the murder of 35 African villagers in attacks on
pastoralist villages. Judge Mukhtar Ibrahim Adam described the attacks
as "barbaric and savage conduct" reminiscent of "the dark ages". (13) In
a further example of the government's firm stance, in October 2003, 14
other Arab tribesmen were also sentenced to death for the murder of non-
Arab villagers during attacks and arson within villages in south Darfur
state. (14) There is also abundant evidence of the sorts of lawlessness
that has plagued Darfur, including considerable "Arab" on "Arab"
violence. In one incident alone in May 2002, as reported by the UN media
service, 50 Arab tribesmen were killed in such clashes between the Arab
Rizayqat and Ma'aliyah tribes. (15) (Would this qualify as "Janjaweed"
on "Janjaweed" violence?) A special criminal court sentenced 86 Rizayqat
tribesmen to death for involvement in the murder of these members of the
Ma'aliyah tribe (the sentences are still pending appeals).

The fact is that scores of Sudanese soldiers and policemen have been
killed in tribal clashes and while trying to apprehend those suspected,
including "Janjaweed", of criminal acts. Many more Sudanese policemen
have also been murdered by rebels.

The stance of the human rights industry on criminal violence in Darfur
has been contradictory. Amnesty International, for example, has
previously criticised government inaction in responding to the violence
and banditry in the region. In February 2003 Amnesty International
stated that "government responses to armed clashes have been
ineffective". (16) Amnesty has then condemned the government for taking
measures to restore order, such as arresting tribesmen suspected of
involvement in violence. (17) The scale of the violence had led to
Khartoum introducing special measures. Yet these have also been
criticised by Amnesty International. They have, for example, condemned
the special criminal courts created by presidential decree to deal with
offences such as murder, armed robbery, arson and the smuggling of
weapons, and the firm sentences these courts have subsequently handed
down. (18) And at the same time these measures are being taken against
the very Arab tribesmen that it is alleged the government are militarily
supporting.

An Incomplete Picture

Another way in which the human rights industry has distorted perceptions
of events in Darfur is through often incomplete or inaccurate analysis
of events in Darfur and Sudan. The overriding goal for anyone concerned
about human rights is to end the conflict that is leading to human
rights abuses. Merely focusing upon the symptoms and not the cause is an
inadequate response. In this respect, however, the human rights groups
have been very disappointing. Amnesty International, for example, takes
rebel claims about their motivation at face value, asserting without
reservation that the Darfur rebels "took up arms in February 2003 to
protest at what they perceive as the lack of government protection of
the settled population against attacks by nomads and the
underdevelopment and marginalisation of Darfur". Amnesty International
would appear to be unaware that Islamist extremists identified with the
Popular Congress party of Islamic fundamentalist leader Dr Hasan al-
Turabi were instrumental in creating the 'Justice and Equality
Movement'. JEM is led by one of Turabi's close associates. Turabi has
also admitted his support for the Darfur insurrection: "We support the
cause, no doubt about it...we have relations with some of the
leadership." (19) He has admitted that 30 members of his party have been
arrested in connection with activities in Darfur. (20) Turabi was
removed from government and power in Sudan in 1999, a move which led to
a very traumatic and bitter split in the Sudanese Islamist movement. He
has subsequently been very critical of Khartoum for "selling out" to
Washington, including Sudan's considerable assistance in the war on
terrorism and concessions Khartoum has made in the peace process. While
the claims of fighting against marginalisation and underdevelopment have
been lamely accepted by many observers, the reality is Dr Turabi and his
party are intent on waging war on, and overthrowing, the government of
Sudan with Darfurian proxies. This is a crucial factor as it means that
underdevelopment and marginalisation in Darfur conveniently cloaks the
intention of establishing a rigidly Islamist state in Sudan. Amnesty
International's simplistic analysis merely serves to advance rebel
propaganda and misinform those observers who rely upon Amnesty for
accurate information on this issue.

Conclusion

There is a crisis in Darfur. The fighting has resulted in large-scale
human rights abuses and a humanitarian crisis.

The key is peace - and thereby an end to human rights abuses - and to
accurately analyse the motivations behind the conflict. The issue is far
too important to leave to extremists, propagandists and others who wish
to see continued conflict in Sudan. Unbalanced, misleading or simply
inaccurate analysis merely confuses international perceptions of the
conflict. The human rights industry has sadly been party to all these
things in its reporting on Sudan. Moreover it has often been
contradictory in its observations.

It is essential to cut away the propaganda that is already clouding the
Darfur issue. A negotiated settlement to the conflict must be reached.
International pressure must be brought to bear upon those forces,
national and international, that have been fuelling the fighting. The
humanitarian needs of those who have been displaced must be met until
those affected are able to return to their homes. Khartoum must address
the criminality and armed banditry that has undermined law and order in
Darfur. At the same time, however, human rights organisations cannot
have it both ways in criticising the Sudanese government for inaction
and then attacking Khartoum for responding firmly to terrorism and
lawlessness.

Notes

1 See, for example, "Darfur Rebels Adopt New Name: Sudan
Liberation Movement/Army", News Article by Agence France Presse, 14
March 2003.
2 See, for example, 'The Darfur Crisis: Looking Beyond the
Propaganda', European-Sudanese Public Affairs Council, London, March
2004, available at www.espac.org.
3 "The Escalating Crisis in Darfur", News Article by Integrated
Regional Information Networks, UN Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs, 31 December 2003.
4 "The Escalating Crisis in Darfur", News Article by Integrated
Regional Information Networks, UN Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs, 31 December 2003.
5 "Pressure Seen as Key to Ending Sudan's Western War", News
Article by Reuters, 28 January 2004.
6 "War in Western Sudan Overshadows Peace in the South", 'The New
York Times', 17 January 2004.
7 See, for example, "Janjawid Militia in Darfur Appears to be out
of Control", News Article by Integrated Regional Information Networks,
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 14 May 2004.
8 See, for example, 'Darfur Destroyed: Ethnic Cleansing by
Government and Militia Forces in Western Sudan', Human Rights Watch, New
York, 7 May 2004.
9 "Sudanese Gov't 'Largely Responsible' for Abuses in Darfur, Says
Watchdog", News Article by Integrated Regional Information Networks, UN
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 27 November 2003.
10 See, for example, "Violence in the Sudan Displaces Nearly 1
Million. An Aid Worker Describes the Gravity of the Humanitarian
Crisis", News Article by MSNBC, 16 April 2004.
11 See, for example, 'Eulogy for a Sudanese War Criminal: Jemera
Rone, Human Rights and Double Standards', European-Sudanese Public
Affairs Council, London , 2001, available at www.espac.org.
12 See, for example, 'The Displacement of Truth: Amnesty
International, Oil and Sudan', European-Sudanese Public Affairs Council,
London, 2000, and 'Amnesty International, Child Soldiers and War
Criminals: Troubling Questions', European-Sudanese Public Affairs
Council, London , 2001, both available at www.espac.org.
13 "Court Sentences 24 to Death for Killing 35 People in Tribal
Raid", News Article by Associated Press, 27 April 2003.
14 "Sudan Sentences 14 to Death for Arson in Turbulent Western
Province", News Article by Agence France Presse, 16 October 2003.
15 "State of Emergency After Southern Darfur Tribal Clashes", News
Article by Integrated Regional Information Networks, UN Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 22 May 2002.
16 "Sudan: Urgent Call for Commission of Inquiry in Darfur as
Situation Deteriorates", Press Release by Amnesty International, 21
February 2003.
17 "Khartoum Stepping Up Arrests in Strife-Torn Darfur: Amnesty",
News Article by Agence France Presse, 6 August 2003.
18 See, for example, "Sudan: Alarming Increase in Executions in
Darfur Region", Press Release by Amnesty International, London, 28 June
2002.
19 "Peace Still Some Way Off in Sudan", Middle East International
(London), 8 January 2004.
20 "Al-Turabi Denounces US Role in Peace Process", News Article by
Al-Hayat (London), 26 January 2004.